So, then, the Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is, and remains, the fundamental cornerstone of the global nuclear non-proliferation regime.

The fact that Iran and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea do not intend to sign the Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons constitutes a major risk.

The 1968 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons codified this principle of nontransfer, coupling it with a pledge by countries without such weapons not to acquire or develop them.

September 15, 2005: Ahmadinejad stated at a United Nations high-level summit that Iran has the right to develop a civil nuclear-power program within the terms of the 1970 treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

The DPRK committed to abandoning all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs and returning, at an early date, to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to IAEA safeguards.

The emergence of such weapons, the purpose of which would appear to be to allow attacks on heavily defended and fortified locations, could result in their use in countries that are not signatories to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

The international community must be resolute when it comes to breaches of the law – irrespective of whether these occur in the context of freedom of expression – or when it comes to ensuring that Iran abides by the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the rules that have been agreed.

I can tell you that there are substantial indications that we are on the right road, such as the attempt by three European states to join with Iran in finding a peaceful solution to the proliferation issue, and the endeavour to reinforce the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, for it is on these things that our multilateral policy depends.